http://www.dissidentvoice.org/Articles8/Hamilton_Foreign-Fodder.htm
International Troops in Iraq: Fighting for "Democracy"
by Mina Hamilton
Dissident Voice
September 15, 2003
Shortly after Bush asked the US taxpayer to pick up the 2003
tab for his war in Iraq, Paul Krugman of the New York Times described Bush as
"all take and no give, as usual." (1)
Krugman was writing about the $87 billion that George W. Bush and our
spineless Congress is ready to gouge out of US taxpayers. He was also
pointing his finger at the foreign cannon fodder the American government
desires.
What foreign armies are currently serving in Iraq? Let's examine one of
the two multi-national divisions that have been deployed in Iraq, the one near
the city of Najaf. Bush administration spokesmen brag about how this
division of 8000 soldiers is commanded by a Polish general, Major General
Andrzej Tyszkiewicz, and has representatives from 17 countries.
Indeed the division is polyglot. A few phone calls to various UN
missions produced the following numbers: At the top of the list is
Poland with 2500 soldiers, next comes a Spanish contingent with 1300 from
Spain and 1250 from
Central America. The Central American soldiers break down to include 346
from Honduras, 370 from El Salvador, 300 from the Dominican Republic and 193
from Nicaragua. In addition, Bulgaria is contributing about 500 troops.
Towards the bottom of the pile -- in terms of numbers -- is Mongolia with 150
recruits. The remaining soldiers are provided by the Ukraine, Lithuania,
Slovakia, Latvia, Romania, Kazakhstan, Thailand and the Philippines.
Here's a division in which, at least, 17 languages are spoken. I say, at
least, because probably a good percentage of the soldiers from Central America
speak Amerindian dialects. And who knows what dialects the Philippine
contingent speaks? Tagalog? Cebuano? Ilocan? What about the
Kazakhs? Do they speak Turkish or Mongol?
What on earth is the command structure? How do these troops communicate
with each other, much less the Polish commander or the American commander?
Aren't soldiers that can't communicate with one another or with their
captains and generals sitting ducks?
Can these troops serve any meaningful role - other than providing President
Bush with propaganda for TV appearances?
How are these unfortunate examples of cannon fodder selected in their
countries of origin? Usually, they'll be the poorest, most disadvantaged
members of society. They're probably drafted or, if they enlisted, they
did so for similar reasons to so many of our own hapless troops - out of
economic necessity.
How do these poor recruits see their deployment in an Arab country thousands
of miles from home?
Doubtless they've been fed the company line: we're bringing
"freedom" and democracy" to Iraq, as well as
"liberating" it from terrorists.
Given the type of "democracy" and "freedom" the US brought
to a few of the countries in question one can well imagine what these draftees
think and feel about being a part of Operation Iraqi Freedom.
As is now common knowledge, in Nicaragua the US, using its client army, the
Contras, crushed the popular Sandinista regime. The brutal civil war
lasted 8 years during which a staggering 30,000 people - mostly impoverished
peasants - died.
Next the US perverted the national elections in 1990. Via the CIA-front,
the National Endowment for Democracy, the US helped organize and fund the
opposition party, UNO.
Millions and millions of US dollars poured into UNO's coffers. The
Council on Hemispheric Affairs (hardly a radical outfit) estimated that the
pro-UNO funds were so lavish that the rough equivalent in a US election would
have been $2 billion. (2)
An added boost to UNO was the loud threat repeatedly made by spokesmen for the
then-President, George Herbert Bush: if the war-weary populace didn't vote in
UNO, the US would continue to fund the Contra war against the Sandinistas.
Another penalty for not supporting UNO? The US would continue the
disastrous economic embargo of Nicaragua. (3) This threat Noam Chomsky
has described as "Vote for our candidate, or watch your children
starve." (4) Needless to say, Nicaraguans chose to feed their
children.
How do Nicaraguan soldiers feel about defending "freedom" and
"democracy" in Iraq?
What about the recruits from El Salvador? What do they think about the
"freedom" the US previously brought to El Salvador? I doubt
they've forgotten how the US-trained and advised death squads that massacred,
tortured and disappeared thousands over the 12-year long civil war in El
Salvador.
There were an estimated 75,000 civilian deaths during El Salvador's long
agony. (5) This in a country with an overall population of about 6
million!
How do the El Salvadorans feel about their assigned task of making the US look
good by showing up in the incredibly dangerous, powder keg of Iraq? (The
troops were sent to Iraq despite the intense opposition in the El Salvadoran
Assembly by FLMN party members.) (6)
What about the Honduran soldiers in the international division? Honduras
is one of the poorest countries in the Western Hemisphere with a staggering
debt of $5.4 billion and annual revenues of $607 million. Half of the
countries revenue goes to service this debt. How do the mestizos (who make up
90% of the population of Honduras) feel about risking their lives for US's
imperial ambitions?
How many of these Hondurans remember that the US, courtesy of the School of
the America's training of the infamous Battalion 316, previously wrecked
brutal atrocities, including just about every imaginable form of terrible
physical and psychological torture, on the campesinos? (7)
Does this pattern only apply to the Western Hemisphere where US has long
manifested its ugly Manifest Destiny policies?
What about the Bulgarian contingent in Iraq? How do Bulgarian soldiers
view the US's version of "democracy," considering that the US
toppled their duly elected government?
In 1990, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) spent $1.5 million in an
attempt to defeat the Bulgarian Socialist Party. This is another huge
amount of money pouring into a small country with a population of about 7.5
million.
Interestingly, in the case of Bulgaria, the US's first attempt to snatch the
elections away from the Socialists did not work. The Socialist Party
won, but the NED was not deterred. Immediately after the elections this
CIA-front went to work: they promoted and funded a six-month destabilization
effort. This included street demonstrations, strikes, sit-ins, sieges of
parliament and, eventually, the prime minister was forced to resign. (8)
What about the brave soldiers from far flung Mongolia? What has been
their experience of US "democracy"? Surely the US did not also
have its mitts in the electoral till there? Wrong. Again the NED entered
the election fray
and between 1990-1996 spent $2 million dollars on a country of 2.5 million
people to defeat the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party. (The US
wanted to have free access for such things as electronic listening posts to
monitor Chinese army communications.) (9)
The list could go on and on.
The outrage of the US President trotting out his Orwell-speak and explaining
how the US mission in Iraq is about "democracy" and
"freedom" is bad enough.
The US government's twisting the arms of various corrupt regimes to send in
their poorest and most needy human beings to this bloody meat-grinder is bad
enough. (The arm-twist - done with a smile - is promises and threats regarding
debt relief, IMF loans, military hardware, NATO or EU membership,
among other carrots and sticks.)
The US, a draft-free country, asking foreign-language speaking, impoverished
peasants and workers to be drafted and then sacrificed to spare Bush and other
mainly white US politicians the political upset of too many US casualties is
worse than bad. It's truly obscene.
References
(1)
Krugman, Paul, "Other People's Sacrifice," New York Times, September
9, 2003
(2)
Chomsky, Noam, Deterring Democracy, (Hill and Wang,1991), p. 299
(3)
Blum, William, Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower,
(Common Courage, 2000), p. 175
(4)
Chomsky, op. cit, p. 141
(5)
Blum, op.cit., p. 156
(6)
www.Cispes.org,
"Stop US Intervention in Salvadoran Elections"
(7)
Blum, op.cit., p. 55
(8)
Ibid, p. 157
(9)
Ibid, p.177
Mina Hamilton is a writer based in New York City. She can be reached at